Sarah Cain, Crisis Magazine, 1/13/25
Britain is back in the news for its mishandled child gang rape scandals. This is a continuation of a crisis that has been ongoing in the U.K. since at least the year 2000. While many believe these to be decade-old crimes that now only need to be investigated and closed, it is much more likely that they continue to occur. This is because the underlying motivation behind them still exists. First, some backstory for those unfamiliar.
For at least two decades, English schoolgirls as young as 12 were groomed by groups of Muslim men and systematically drugged, threatened, and repeatedly raped. They were not only literally passed between these men in houses of horror, they were told that if they did not return on another day, for a recurrence of their victimization, their parents would be killed and their houses would be burned down.
When some of those girls eventually overcame the immense terror of what had happened to them and informed authorities, entire police departments, local city councils, and the nation’s Crown Prosecution Service refused to investigate out of fear that they would be viewed as racist and that they would create “community unrest.” The anticipated reaction of the public against those immigrants was perceived as worse than the assaults that had taken place. Thus, the behavior continued unabated, and for thousands of girls and their devastated families, justice continues to be elusive.
Behind veneered speeches about “cultural differences” and “cultural incompatibility,” there has been a failure to properly assert the truth that the children who were raped were targeted specifically because they were white and not Muslim. These men were not targeting members of their own community. They were targeting those they believed held dhimmi status (a second-class social position given to non-Muslims in a conquered land). MP Robert Jenrick faced media criticism for merely stating that the mass immigration of alien cultures was the genesis of this catastrophe; but he didn’t go far enough.
Ultimately, these systematic rapes were (and are) acts of war against a people whom they consider to be conquered. These children are the victims of a religious war that they didn’t know they were fighting. If we do not acknowledge this, then we cannot have an honest conversation about immigration policy in the West. It would be preposterous to expect, for example, that mass immigration from Hungary to England would similarly result in the gang rape of British schoolchildren. Our feigned ignorance on this matter represents a political cowardice that betrays these children and condemns the next generation to a similar fate.
Some of it is the subtle racism of low expectations—as if men from Pakistan are too inherently stupid or have innately lower impulse control, so as to be unable to avoid raping children in their downtime. More commonly, though, it is a spineless refusal to admit that Islamic immigration is a danger to the West and that the children of England have been made into victims by an unholy union of the gutless political class and aggressive, criminal, Muslim gangs.
Those who engaged in this behavior and were prosecuted still live among the British people. A leader of one such grooming gang, Qari Abdul Rauf, was sent to prison for only six years; and after serving two and a half years, he was released in November 2014. He was not deported back to Pakistan because that would “deprive the man of the right to family life,” since he has a wife and five children in the U.K. He continues to live in the town where he committed these acts of barbarism. His story is not unique.
While the deportation of criminals who have served more than 12 months is supposed to be standard, human rights exceptions can be made, and they have become the norm. As a result, people are no longer being deported if their country of origin has poorer health-care access than England, which is most of the world. It is considered inhumane to do so. But the inhumanity of allowing these people to live freely among their victims is never considered.
Keir Starmer’s government is under rightful pressure to conduct a review, this time in Oldham, after the city council requested the aid of the national body on account of the scope of their inquiry. Minister for Safeguarding Jess Phillips denied the request. Starmer’s Labour government has launched a review or task force every two and a half days, on average. Thus, they are not opposed to national reviews, they are specifically opposed to giving these crimes the attention that they deserve. They do not want the numerousness or the depravity of these scandals to see light.
But Oldham is just one more town. As early as 2003, the British National Party (BNP), dismissed as a far-right entity that should therefore be ignored, was working with the parents of victimized children across the country—in Bradford, Sheffield, Leeds, and Hull—places where these stories still remain buried twenty years later. At that time, BNP activists were trying to get law enforcement to pay attention to what was happening and protect those children. They were ignored and accused of racism and propagandizing.
Those same slurs are being used today—the Labour government is engaged in the sullying of anyone who talks about these abuses as racists and provocateurs. But far worse than either of those are the child rape apologists who deny justice to such victims. Moreover, Prime Minister Keir Starmer has a personal reason to distract people away from these horrors.
Starmer ran the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) from 2008–2013, when so many crimes were being institutionally concealed. For American readers: the CPS is basically a nationalized District Attorney’s office. It is the body that prosecutes (or “presses charges”) against individuals for serious crimes. It was the CPS (in tandem with local police) that refused to prosecute thousands of Muslim rapists for fear of “upsetting community relations”; but they arrested minor girls for crimes such as underage drinking—when they consumed the alcohol given to them by their rapists.
Starmer’s labeling and silencing of people now is another manifestation of the very same attitudes that caused these cover-ups. It is the elevation of emotions and platitudes above truth and justice. It not only denies the rights of those victims and stands as a hindrance to their healing, but it also ensures that this chapter in British history will remain open and similar crimes will take place in the future. We get what we allow, so our tolerance for evil will always result in its proliferation.
If this is to stop, as it must, it is imperative that we first acknowledge the religious nature of the crimes and the perpetrators. It is astounding that so many of the self-described Christian social justice advocates are quiet in an area that so desperately needs intervention. It is dutiful and right for the faithful to demand justice from the perpetrators and those who facilitated these heinous crimes. This issue is above a mere political saga, and it cries out to Heaven for vengeance.